第7章 纽伦堡受尊敬的人(1)

7 Nuremberg Respectability

The Politics of Neo-Humanism

第7章 纽伦堡受尊敬的人(1)

新人文主义政治主张

WITH FRENCH HEGEMONY IN EUROPE seemingly secure, the burdens of editing and running the newspaper were beginning to feel more like a millstone to Hegel. He did not want to be a commentator on events; he wanted to shape them, and that could not be done, at least in the way he wanted to do it, as a newspaper editor. He was relying on his friend Immanuel Niethammer to help him out, and Niethammer was clearly doing his best to get his friend something more suited to his ambitions. In March, 1807, Niethammer had already commented to Schelling: “I am happy that I have been able to rescue Hegel from devastated Jena. Once we get him here on Bavarian soil, he will soon come to further help himself.”'

    随着法国对欧洲的统治表面上已经稳固，编辑和经营报纸的重任对黑格尔来说开始使他感觉到更像是一个沉重的负担。他不想做一个事0件评论员；他要塑造事件，但这不可能做得到，至少作为报纸编辑的他以他想要的方式不可能做得到。黑格尔指望朋友伊曼努尔·尼特哈默尔帮助他解决这个问题；尼特哈默尔显然在竭尽全力使朋友更好地实现抱负。1807年3月，尼特哈默尔就已经对谢林诉说道：“我非常高兴能够把黑格尔从因战乱而荒废的耶拿救出来。一旦我们把他带到了巴伐利亚的土地上，他不久就能够更加应付自如。”

As Niethammer had hoped, Hegel had indeed done well for himself in Bavaria, but Niethammer certainly knew that the position at the newspaper could only be temporary, that Hegel would never be satisfied editing a newspaper in a provincial town, and he set to work to obtain something more fitting for Hegel. He tried to get Hegel interested in some other projects, but Hegel balked. Niethammer, for example, offered to commission him to write a general textbook on logic for the Bavarian pre-university lyceums, surely knowing at the time that Hegel was at work on the second part of his proposed “system” (specifically, on what was to become his Science of Logic). Hegel replied to Niethammer’s offer - and probably to Niethammer’s surprise - by simply dragging his feet about the proposal, noting that although he was indeed hard at work on his logic, he needed more time to complete it, and would need even more time to put into anything like an “elementary” form suitable for the schools. Besides, he also noted, since his logic was going to be new, it might prove to be too difficult for the teachers to master well enough to teach it to their pupils.” Niethammer also proposed that Hegel teach theology in the schools, to which Hegel reacted even more strongly, saying that he would “have gladly taught theology m the university - underlining an old point - but that teaching theology under the direction of the Protestant church in Bavaria “makes me shudder in every nerve.”-’

    像尼特哈默尔期望的那样，黑格尔确实在巴伐利亚发展得很好，但尼特哈默尔当然晓得，黑格尔做报纸编辑只是权宜之计，他绝不会满足于在地方小镇编辑报纸，所以尼特哈默尔尽力为黑格尔寻找更为合适的工作。他设法让黑格尔对其他工作发生兴趣，但遭到了黑格尔的婉言谢绝。举例来说，尼特哈默尔委托他为巴伐利亚大学预科班编写一本非专业逻辑学课本，他无疑知道那时黑格尔正在撰写他计划中的“体系”的第二部分（具体说，这个部分后来成了他的《逻辑学》）。黑格尔回应了尼特哈默尔的委托——这个回应大概会让尼特哈默尔感到惊讶——黑格尔说那个提议简直会拖累他，并强调指出，他的确在为他的逻辑学努力工作，但还需要投入更多时间去完成它；如果他将精力花在撰写类似适合大学预科的“基础”形式逻辑上，当然需要的时间就会更多了。除此之外，他还强调指出，因为他的逻辑学将是全新的，它可能证明太深奥了，以致就连老师都无法全面地掌握，就更别提把它教给学生了。尼特哈默尔也建议黑格尔去大学预科班教神学，对此建议，黑格尔的反应更为强烈，他说他当然“乐意在大学教神学”——强调了一种旧的观点——但他说在巴伐利亚新教教会指导下教神学会“让我浑身起鸡皮疙瘩”。

On May 8, 1808, Niethammer wrote to him about a variety of things, among them asking for a progress report on work on his logic and on whether he thought that commissioning him to do such a logic for the schools would really be doing him a service. At the end of the letter, Niethammer then coyly asked Hegel how he would feel in his heart if he were to propose him for the rectorship of a Gymnasium, preferably in Munich itself — a proposal which, as Niethammer diplomatically pointed out, would be “beset with difficulties” - or, if not in Munich, at least in one of the major provincial cities.Hegel responded immediately but only with muted enthusiasm; it was not what he wanted, but it was much better than what he presently had. He made it clear to Niethammer that he would much prefer to be in a capital city (in other words, Munich); both Hegel’s conception of how he might influence things, which required him to be located near the center of events, and his own clearly urban tastes made that clear: “Sojourn in a provincial city may always be considered a banishment, even if one has banished oneself,” he remarked in his letter.’ He made one last plea to Niethammer about a university appointment: There was much talk about the university of Erlangen being reorganized and coming under Bavarian governance - it was at that time under French military rule - and Hegel told Niethammer that “I know of no situation which I would desire more and for which I would at once more wish to be in your debt.”* (The desire to go to the university was to become an idee fixe in Hegel’s mind, appearing regularly in his letters to all concerned, until he finally received such an offer in 1816, only to turn it down in favor of Heidelberg; ironically, Hegel’s son, Karl, many years later got a position there.) He also noted that his logic, on which he was hard at work, would be better suited for use in a university and might well be used to secure him some kind of appointment there. But with characteristic pragma- tism, he also laid out the conditions for accepting such a rectorship, such as wanting to work under an appropriate commissioner who would allow him to do the right things, and so on.  Thus, when Niethammer responded on October 26, 1808, with an offer of a rectorship in Nuremberg, Hegel gladly accepted (remarking, as always, that he hoped that the way was still open for a university appointment) and mused that his appointment to a rectorship would be “directly linked to his literary activities, and at least do not differ in type even if they do differ in shape.”’ He would after all be a professor at a Gymnasium, which would be a better stepping stone to a university appointment than being an editor at a newspaper. He had to wrap things up in Bamberg - he made it clear that he understood himself to have a moral obligation to the newspaper to make sure everything was in good shape and in good hands before he left — but that took less time than he had thought. Since he was still officially a professor at Jena who was only on temporary leave, he also had to ask for permission from the duke of Weimar to be relieved of his obligations there, which was of course only a pro forma matter. He even had also to obtain permission from the Wiirttemberg Consistory to be released from his obligations to them. (The ministerial letter to the king of Wiirttemberg approving Hegel’s request noted that Hegel’s studies since leaving the Seminary in Tubingen put him in the position of having “neither the proper industry nor the necessary inclination” to occupy an “ecclesiastical office” and that no other position suitable for him was available in Wiirttemberg.)** By November, 1808, Hegel assumed his new post in Nuremberg.

    这样一来，当尼特哈默尔在1808年10月26日回复黑格尔且信中答应任命黑格尔为纽伦堡校长的时候，黑格尔欣然接受了这个任命（黑格尔一如既往地说，希望大学任命这扇门仍然是敞开的），并默默地想到，他接受校长这个任命将会是“直接与他的学术活动相联系，这个任命至少类型上并没有什么不同，纵使他的学术活动形式上确实不同”。“他毕竟将成为高级中学教授，较之在报社做编辑，高级中学教授这个职位应该成为获得大学任命的更好的跳板。他必须把班堡的工作做完——他清楚地表明他理解自己对报社具有道德上的义务，因此他在离职之前要确保编辑上的事情有条不紊——但是这所花费的时间比他预期中的要少。既然他仍然是耶拿正式教授，尽管他只不过是暂时离职，他却同样必须要获得魏玛公爵许可以解除他在那里的合同，这当然只是个形式上的问题。他甚至还须得到符腾堡宗教法院同意以解除他在那里的合同。（呈交符腾堡国君批准黑格尔请求的官方信件表明：由于黑格尔离开了图宾根神学院，黑格尔的学术研究陷入了这样的境地，这就是在符腾堡他“既没有合适的专业也没有必要的方向”去争得一个“教会职位”；在符腾堡他弄不到适合他的其他职位。）到1808年11月，黑格尔担任了他在纽伦堡的新职位。

Niethammer’s Views on Education

尼特哈默尔对教育的看法

Niethammer had at least two related motives for bringing to Hegel to Nuremberg. It was, to be sure, an act of friendship and expression of loyalty to Hegel. But since Niethammer was in the middle of an intense political struggle for which he needed loyal allies in key places to put through the reforms he was seeking, it was clearly also in his own interests to have someone like Hegel in that particular position, a fellow he could trust and who was himself personally committed to the same project. In the great shake-up of the Napoleonic redrawing of the German map, Niethammer, a Protestant Swabian, had become a high official in the reformist administration of Count Montgelas in otherwise Catholic Bavaria. By 1808, he had risen to become the commissioner in charge of educational reform. In Bavaria, as in the other German states pursuing reform, educational matters had previously not been something in which the state had meddled and instead had been largely an area over which the church had exercised authority.^ Now, just as reforming states were seizing church lands for their revenue - as Montgelas had done with particular vigor in Bavaria - they were also coming to see education as essentially a matter of state and not merely of clerical interest.

    尼特哈默尔至少具有两个相关目的而把黑格尔弄到纽伦堡。毫无疑问，这既是友谊之举，又是表示对黑格尔的忠诚。但是，原因在于，尼特哈默尔正置身于一场激烈的政治斗争中，为此他需要在关键部门有忠实的盟友来帮助他完成他所追求的改革事业，所以，显然由于他自身利益，在特殊的位置上他需要某种像黑格尔这样的人，需要一个可以值得他信任的伙伴，需要一个自身也投身于同样事业中的人。在拿破仑重新划分德国版图的剧变中，尼特哈默尔这位信奉新教的斯瓦比亚人，已经成了蒙特格拉斯伯爵统管的信奉天主教的巴伐利亚州其他地区改革部门的高官。到1808年，他已经晋升为负责教育改革的专员。在巴伐利亚州，像在德国其他追求改革的州一样，教育事务从前政府是不插手的，反倒成为主要由教会行使权利的领域。现如今，正像实行改革的州没收教会土地来增加收入一样——正像蒙特格拉斯以极大精力在巴伐利亚州所作的一样——实行改革的州同样开始发现教育本质上是州政府事务而不仅仅是牧师利益问题。

In this context, a movement known as neo-humanism had come to take root in German educational circles, and Niethammer, along with Wilhelm von Humboldt in Berlin, came to be known as one of its prime exponents. The leading ideas of the neo-humanist movement in education had to do with its opposition both to past German models of education and to the emerging models of education inspired by the German Enlightenment, which they identified as “utilitarian.” (The “utilitarian doctrines” of which they spoke had only passing similarities to eighteenth-century British utilitarianism.) For the neo-humanists, education was to be fundamentally aimed at Bildung, at putting students in a position where they could realize a certain ideal of humanity, namely, that of becoming a self-directed, self-formed man of cultivation and taste. The proponents of neo-humanism, therefore, aimed at a kind of universalizing mode of education that identified it with Bildung. This also meant that such education had to go beyond whatever the hometown had to offer; because it was aimed at the development of a general model for humanity, it was not much interested in the particularities of hometown life. In this way, the neo-humanists saw themselves as developing a national German culture., which for them did not in any way necessarily imply a single, national German state.

    在这种环境下，一场以新人文主义著称的运动终于扎根于德国教育界，而尼特哈默尔，连同柏林的威廉·冯·洪堡一道，逐渐成为这场运动的主要的著名拥护者。教育界新人文主义运动的主导思想关系到新人文主义运动与以下的两个方面的对立：德国以往的教育模式和受到德国启蒙运动启发而新出现的教育模式（后者被看作是“功利主义的”）。（德国新出现的教育模式论及的“功利主义学说”与18世纪英国功利主义只是具有稍纵即逝的相似性。）对于新人文主义者来说，教育注定根本上旨在教化，即在将学生置于适当的位置，在此位置上他们能够认识到人文主义的某种理想，即在教养和品味方面成为一个能够自我指导的自力更生的人的理想。所以说，新人文主义支持者旨在普世化的教育模式，而且该模式把教育与教化合为一体。这也就意味着这样的教育势必超出了乡镇所能提供的任何东西的范围；因为它旨在人类一般模式的发展，所以它对于乡镇生活的特殊性不大感兴趣。在这方面，新人文主义者自视为在发展德国民族文化，对于他们来说从任何意义上讲德国民族文化未必包含一个单一的德国民族国家。

Needless to say, the neo-humanist ideal met with stiff resistance from the hometowners and all from all those (such as those in the church) who had seen their wealth, power, and authority swept away from them during the revolutionary Napoleonic period. These conservative forces wished to base the ideals of education on the idea not of developing self-forming, self-directed individuals of taste and cultivation (which in their minds had come to be equivalent to the disease of the French Revolution, of modern life in general) but rather of producing people suited for a more traditional, more hierarchically organized society of ranks and orders. Using many au courant ideas, they were led to formulate an alternative program for education based on the emerging conservatism of political romanticism by invoking the Romantics’ metaphorical conception of an organic community to justify a stratified, hierarchical social order in which people would know their proper places. They thus joined forces with the other “utilvapitarian” opponents in opposing neo-humanist ideals.

    不用说，新人文主义理想必然会引起一种强烈的反抗，这种反抗主要来自于乡镇居民和所有来自于以下的人（例如宗教人士）：他们早就目睹了自己的财富、权利、权威在拿破仑革命期间被一扫而空。这些保守势力希望使教育理想奠基于以下的想法：不是在品味和教养方面塑造具有自力更生、自我指导精神的个人（这在他们心目中最终通常等同于法国大革命的弊病和现代生活的弊病），而倒是培养人们去适应一种较为传统的、较为按照阶级组织起来的具有等级和秩序的社会。用许多时兴的想法来说，他们被引导去通过以下的做法来系统阐述一个奠基于政治浪漫主义的现存保守主义的可选择的教育规划：诉诸于浪漫主义者关于有机共同体的比喻式的构想，以证明一个分层的阶级社会秩序是合理的，因为人们应该知道自己合适的位置。他们因此与其他“功利主义”的对手同心协力反对新人文主义者的理想。

What the neo-humanists called “utilitarian” models of education were united by the idea that education should be focused exclusively on training people for the professions, particularly for the professions that they were by virtue of their class and estate supposedly destined to join.'® The competing claims for political authority thus played over into the politics of education and educational reform: For people like Niethammer and Hegel, modern life was about Bildung and about men with Bildung having the right to constitute the new elite of modern social life. For the conservatives, that was both foolishly irrelevant and dangerously revolutionary; those who formed the elite should be those who belonged there by virtue of family and social status, not by virtue of some kind of “education” they had received or to which they had laid claim. Moreover, Hegel certainly understood this when he joined forces with Niethammer, and it was absolutely clear which side he was on. In January, 1807, Hegel had remarked to a friend, “But you also direct your attention to current history. And there can be indeed nothing more convincing than this history to show that Bildung triumphs over raw coarseness, and spirit over spiritless understanding and mere cleverness.”" In accepting the post of rector, Hegel told Niethammer that “I am daily ever more convinced that theoretical work accomplishes more in the world than practical work. Once the realm of ideas is revolutionized, actuality will not hold out.”'^ Hegel wanted to shape the new world, and to his mind, nothing shaped it better than the power of thought and Bildung.

    新人文主义者称之为的“功利主义”教育模式与以下的思想相结合：教育应该仅仅着眼于对人们进行职业培训，特别是对人们进行如下的职业培训，即他们所以从事这些职业是因为他们的阶级地位和财产多寡据称注定他们从事与否。“挑战政治权威的主张纳入了教育和教育改革的政治学：对于像尼特哈默尔和黑格尔这样的人来说，现代生活是涉及教化和涉及那些有教化的人有权利去组成现代社会生活的新精英阶层。对于保守派来说，这种看法既是愚蠢的无稽之谈也是危险的革命观点；构成精英分子者应该属于这样一些人，他们凭借的是家庭和社会地位，而非凭借的是他们接受了的某种“教育”或他们早就要求的某种“教育”。再者，黑格尔在加入尼特哈默尔阵营时当然对此心知肚明，而且他绝对清楚自己所持的立场。1807年1月，黑格尔对一个朋友谈论道：“但是你也应该关注当代史。实际上没有什么能比历史更使人信服证明教化胜过粗鲁，精神胜过苍白无力的理解和英明果断的聪明。”在接受校长一职之后，黑格尔向尼特哈默尔诉说：“我每天都会更加确信理论工作对世界的影响要比实践工作大得多。一旦观念领域被加以革命化，那实践中就不会遇到障碍了。”黑格尔想要塑造一个新的世界，如他所想，没有什么能够比思想和教化的力量能够更好地塑造世界。

Niethammer needed all the help and all the allies he could muster.  In 1804, there had been a general plan for the reform of the Bavarian educational system underwritten by Josef Wismayr and heavily influenced by Kajetan von Weiller, a leading Catholic thinker among the “old Bavarians.” (In 1803, Weiller had published a book written jointly with Jacob Salat attacking Schelling and Hegel.) The so-called reform plan Weiller and Wismayr developed in 1804 was heavily imbued with what the neo-humanists called “utilitarian” thought, that is, with the idea of training people for their proper places and professions. That directive also would have required that anything even resembling philosophy as Hegel understood it be strictly excluded from the curriculum; it specifically recommended that “faith in the omnipotence of the intellect should be weakened,” that certain types of “feelings” instead be encouraged, and, “in that way, the teachers will overcome the prejudice that philosophy is only an affair of knowledge.”'^ (The neverpublished review that Hegel composed of Salat’s work in 1805 was in fact almost certainly intended as a shot in the battle between Niethammer and his opponents; Niethammer wanted to use it as a way of undermining Salat’s and Weiller’s claims.)

    尼特哈默尔需要方方面面的帮助，需要他可以召集的所有同盟。1804年，一项针对巴伐利亚教育体制改革的综合计划出台了，这项计划签发者是约瑟夫·维斯迈尔，这项计划深受卡耶坦·冯·魏勒这位“老巴伐利亚人”中一流天主教思想家的影响。（早在1803年，魏勒就已发表了一本和雅各布·扎拉特合力撰写的书来抨击谢林和黑格尔。魏勒和维斯迈尔1804年提出的所谓改革计划，渗透着浓厚的新人文主义者称之为的“功利主义”思想色彩，也即渗透着培养人们具有合适的位置和专业的想法。维斯迈尔还发出指示，当然是要求任何类似于黑格尔所理解的那样的哲学都应该一律不在讲授之列；维斯迈尔的指示还特别提议“应该削弱对知识万能的信仰”，而倒应该倡导一些类型的“知觉”，并且，“在这方面，老师们应该克服这样的偏见即哲学仅仅是一门知识”。）（这个从未发表过的黑格尔1805年就扎拉特著作所作出的评论，其实几乎肯定被解释成是尼特哈默尔与他的反对者之间战斗的一发子弹；尼特哈默尔想把它用作削弱扎拉特和魏勒的主张的一种方式。）

To make matters worse, Schelling, who was on Niethammer’s side, had already committed a faux pas in criticizing the plan and had thereby endangered the whole project. Incensed by Weiller’s and Salat’s attacks on him and seeing clearly that the section on philosophy in the 1804 plan was intended to keep his philosophy out of the schools, Schelling had fired off a letter to Count von Thiirheim, an important minister for Bavaria in Bamberg, about how insulted he was by the plan and how the Wismayr-Kajetan plan amounted to only “Jesuitism in reverse.” The reply Schelling received from Count von Thiirheim was not exactly encouraging; instead of endorsing his views. Count von Thiirheim instead rebuked Schelling for his “demonstrated arrogance, which offers a convincing proof for how little speculative philosophy makes people more rational and ethical.”'"* Since the forces allied against Niethammer in his battle were already formidable enough, and since Schelling’s exchange with Count von Thiirheim had not exactly helped Niethammer’s cause, it was abundantly clear that if Niethammer was to rescue speculative philosophy for the Bavarian schools, he would need someone less rash than Schelling to help him.

    使事情变得更糟的是，谢林，站在尼特哈默尔一方的谢林，在批评这个计划时出言不当，从而危及了整个计划。谢林在被魏勒和扎拉特对他的攻击激怒且谢林清楚地看出1804计划中的哲学部分意在将他自己的哲学赶出学校大门之后，谢林火速致信康特·冯·蒂尔海姆这位巴伐利亚班堡重量级大臣，表明那个计划令他感到多么受侮辱，表明维斯迈尔-卡耶坦计划等于只不过“颠覆了耶稣会主义”。谢林收到的来自康特·冯·蒂尔海姆的回复恰恰使他垂头丧气；康特·冯·蒂尔海姆不赞同谢林的看法，反而指责谢林“表现出来傲慢自大，因为谢林的傲慢令人信服地证明了思辨哲学使人认为更加合理的东西和道德的东西变得多么渺小”。因为这场战斗中尼特哈默尔的敌对联盟势力已经极其令人畏惧，因为谢林同康特·冯·蒂尔海姆的交流对谢林的事业根本起不到任何帮助，所以十分清楚的是，如果说尼特哈默尔想要拯救巴伐利亚学校中的思辨哲学的话，他当然需要的是比谢林做事更加稳重的人来助他一臂之力。

The “Greek” Model

“希腊人的”模式

When Niethammer finally managed to outflank his foes and become the commissioner of education for Bavaria, he set to work immediately to put his ideas into place. He did this using a two-pronged strategy. First, he published a book on the subject in 1808 to make his points more widely known among the general German public and among Bavarian intellectuals in particular: Der Streit des Philanthropimsmus und Humanismus in der Theorie des Erziehungsunterrichts unsere Zeit {The Dispute between Philanthropism and Humanism in the Theory of Educational Instruction of Our Time). The book took up some themes in post-Kantian philosophy and applied them in a highly polemical way to the practical disputes at hand. In effect, Niethammer traded on the Kantian distinction between treating people merely as means and treating them as ends in themselves in order to justify his labels. The conservatives were labeled “philanthropic” in the sense that they wished to do good for others by providing them with what would make them happy; they essentially embodied a paternalistic outlook that did not take into account people’s capacity for self-direction and autonomy but instead tried to settle and determine important matters for them, justifying this blatant paternalism by claiming that it would make those under its direction “happy.” For the conservatives, it was not important that those under their tutelage be directing themselves or exercising their own powers of free thought; because what was important was that they come to be satisfied with their proper place in life, very narrow, practical, “utilitarian” training for specific professions was all that should be expected from state-run educational institutions. “Humanism,” on the other hand, aimed at making people self-directing, at bringing the students to embody within themselves the universal human ideal of selfformation which was built into the idea of Bildung. Using that framework, Niethammer sharpened the polemics: The “philanthropists,” he claimed, were only developing the “animal” side of human nature; they thought (some) people were (like animals) only capable of happiness, not autonomy; humanists, on the other hand, recognized that what was distinctively human about people was their capacity to develop rationality and thereby to become self-directing individuals, not merely satisfied organisms. “Philanthropists” aimed only at training people for their occupations because they did not wish to train people for self-directed thought; “humanists,” on the other hand, aimed at educating people to become fully flourishing autonomous agents.

    尼特哈默尔在最终试图智胜敌手且试图担任巴伐利亚州教育厅长时，他认真着手迅速行动起来把自己的想法付诸实施。他在这样做时采用了双管齐下的策略。第一，他于1808年出版了一本有关这个问题的著作，使得他的观点更加广为普通德国公众特别是巴伐利亚知识分子所知：《博爱主义与人文主义关于我们时代教育理论的争论》。这本著作吸收了后康德哲学的一些主题，并以一种极富争议的方式将它们应用于当时的实际争论。实质上，尼特哈默尔利用康德哲学对“把人仅仅当作手段看待”和“把人本质上仅仅当作目的看待”作出了区分，并证明他自己的标签是有道理的。从以下意义上说，保守派被贴上“博爱主义”的标签：保守派希望通过提供使他人幸福的东西来对他人有益；保守派本质上体现了一种家长制的观点，这种观点并不考虑人们能够自我指导和自律，反而力图为人们解决重要事情并在重要事情上为人们做主，并且保守派凭借以下的声称来证明这种公然的家长作风是有道理的：家长作风可以使人们沿着它指引的方向找到“幸福”。对于这些保守派来说，他们并不看重在他们指导下的那些人应该自我指导或应该锤炼他们自己的自由思考能力；因为重要的是他们最终对他们生活中适当的地位感到心满意足，所以为专门职业而进行的非常狭窄、实用和“功利主义”的培训就是一切应该为国家掌控的教育机构所期盼的东西。另一方面，“人文主义”旨在使人们变得自我指导，旨在使学生本质上体现自力更生的人类普世理想——这一理想被纳入教化观念的一部分。使用这个框架，尼特哈默尔强有力地争辩道：“慈善家们”，他声称，只不过是在压抑人性的“兽性”方面；他们认为（这些人）只能具有（像动物一样的）快乐，而不可能具有自律；而另一方面，人文主义者认识到人的特有本性是人能够发展理性，从而能够变成自我指导的个体，而不仅仅是感到满足的有机体。“慈善家”之所以只是在于培训人们适应职业，是因为他们不希望培养人们具有自我指导的思想；而另一方面，“人文主义者”旨在教育人们成为充满朝气的自律的个体。

Second, in his post as commissioner of education, Niethammer issued a proclamation in 1808 called the “General Normative for Organizing the Public Institutions of Learning.” Although Niethammer probably intended for his book to be the theory and the “General Normative” to be the practice, in fact, his “General Normative” was in many respects necessarily a compromise document. It proposed two different types of schools, a “humanistic” Gymnasium and a ‘’‘’Realinstitut^" the latter resembling the kind of school for professional training for which the socalled “utilitarians” had called. Both, however, were to be centered around the overall concept of humanistically oriented Bildung; in that way, Niethammer remained true to his program even while having to compromise with his opposition.

    第二，在教育厅长这个职位上，尼特哈默尔于1808年发布了一份叫作“组织公众大学预科机构的通用标准”的公告。尼特哈默尔可能试图使他的书成为大学理论用书，并使“通用标准”在大学推行，但其实他的这个“通用标准”在许多方面必然成了一份各方都能接受的公文。这个文件提出了两种不同类型的学校：一种是“人文主义式”高级中学，另一种是“现实主义式”高级中学，后者类似于那种针对职业培训的学校，也就是所谓“功利主义者”早就称之为的学校。不过，这两类学校的中心都是以人文主义式为导向，围绕教化这个总概念展开；在这方面，尼特哈默尔依然认为自己的计划是合情合理的，尽管其时他不得不与反对派达成妥协。

Niethammer’s neo-humanistic approach to education was in part based on the Wiirttemberg, Swabian experience that he and Hegel shared. As it was in many other ways, the Wiirttemberg of Niethammer’s and Hegel’s youth had been an exception within the overall mosaic of German educational institutions. In Wiirttemberg, the school system had been based on the Wiirttemberg liturgical regulation {Kirchenordnung) of 1559. The “cloister schools” (which Holderlin but not Hegel had attended) that had been established by that regulation had in effect served as a kind of higher Gymnasium in Wiirttemberg from which the non-noble elite of Wiirttemberg (and particularly the Ehrbarkeit, the non-noble notables) had emerged. Moreover, the existence of the Landesexam (the Law^Z-wide examination) in Wiirttemberg that entitled people to attend one of the cloister schools gave Wiirttembergian education a unity that was otherwise completely lacking in other areas of the Holy Roman Empire, and the fiercely Protestant identities of Wiirttemberg’s Ehrbarkeit insured that the older. Renaissance “school humanism” of the sixteenth century continued as a living tradition in Wiirttemberg education.Both Niethammer’s and Hegel’s approaches (along with Schelling’s) to educational issues thus had to do with the way in which they were reinterpreting their own Swabian, Wiirttemberg experience in light of their later post-Kantian idealism. The “school humanism” of their youth and experience became transformed into the “neo-humanism” of Niethammer’s “General Normative.” Indeed, a large part of Hegel’s, Schelling’s and Niethammer’s common commitment to idealism itself rested on their common search for a synthesis of Kant’s modern insistence on human rationality, spontaneity, and autonomy and the Wiirttemberg “school humanism” from which they had emerged.

    尼特哈默尔对待教育的新人文主义态度，部分地奠基于他和黑格尔都具有的符腾堡斯瓦比亚人的亲身经历。就像符腾堡在很多其他方面一样，尼特哈默尔和黑格尔少年时代的符腾堡在德国教育机构全面拼盘化的环境下是一个例外。在符腾堡，学校体制奠基于1559年符腾堡礼拜式制度（Kirchenerdnung）。修道院学校（荷尔德林参加过而黑格尔没有）由于是靠制度建立起来的，故而它实质上充当符腾堡一种高级的文科中学，从那里培养出了大批非贵族的精英（特别是Ehrbarkeit，非贵族知名人士）。不仅如此，符腾堡存在Landesexam（公国范围内的考试），赋予人们进入一所修道院学校学习的权利，使得符腾堡教育具有一种统一性，这种统一性在神圣罗马帝国其他区域反倒是根本不存在的；符腾堡非贵族知名人士具有强烈的新教徒身份，这确保了16世纪古老的文艺复兴“学院人文主义”得以继续在符腾堡教育中成为一个充满活力的传统。尼特哈默尔和黑格尔（连同谢林）对教育问题所抱的态度因此都与一种方式有关，借这种方式他们依据后康德唯心主义来解释他们自己作为斯瓦比亚人在符腾堡的经历。他们年轻时期经历的“学院人文主义”逐步转变成尼特哈默尔“通用标准”的“新人文主义”。实际上，黑格尔、谢林和尼特哈默尔对唯心主义本身的共同承诺，其中绝大部分仰赖于他们对以下两方面内容的共同研究：康德关于人类理性、自发性和自律的现代主张，以及它们所出之于的符腾堡“学院人文主义”。

In particular, the idea of Bildung for Niethammer’s neo-humanistic orientation was linked to a heavy stress on philosophy, classical Ian- guages, and Greek as the primary classical language. The older Reformation-inspired education models in Protestant lands had, in different forms, taken Latin and religious instruction as the central orienting points of the curriculum.'® In the great educational debates of the early nineteenth century, the conservatives continued to opt for Latin as the basis of education, while the neo-humanists - particularly Niethammer and Hegel - laid greater stress on the study of the Greek language, classical Greek texts, and modern philosophy (with a heavy dose of Greek philosophy thrown in). The neo-humanists justified this by arguing for the superiority of Greek poetry and philosophy to Latin models and on the advantages of learning the Greek language as opposed to learning only Latin. To them, Greek works seemed closer to the original roots of European culture (and, after all, the Romans had taken the Greeks as teachers).

    特别是，尼特哈默尔新人文主义定位中的教化思想是与对哲学、古典语言学和作为主要古典语言的希腊语的重点强调联系在一起的。信奉新教公国古老的受到改革激励的教育模式，以不同的形式把拉丁语教学和宗教教学当作学校课程的重头戏看待。在19世纪早期那场教育大辩论中，保守派继续选择拉丁语作为教育的基础，而新人文主义者——尤其是尼特哈默尔和黑格尔——则更偏重对希腊语、古希腊文本和现代哲学（外加占很大分量的希腊哲学）的研究。新人文主义者为了说明这样做的合理性而提出的理由是，希腊诗歌和哲学优于拉丁语模式，学习希腊语相对于仅学习拉丁语更胜一筹。在新人文主义者看来，希腊作品似乎更接近欧洲文化的原初根基（毕竟罗马人以希腊人为师）。

Moreover, the Greek model appealed to those Germans who thought they could see their own situation mirrored in it. Whereas, since the Renaissance, the Roman model had been adopted as the model for centralizing, efficient monarchical states such as France (who could see themselves as continuing the “Roman” tradition of empire and good roads), the Greek model of different, independent political units (such as the ancient Greek city-states) subsisting within a clearly discernible national Greek culture seemed much closer to what was actually available and desirable for Germany. For these neo-humanists, Germany, like ancient Greece itself, displayed an emerging national culture subsisting within small, independent principalities; that is, it had a unity of culture that flourished within the context of fragmentation.

    此外，希腊模式引起某些德国人的兴趣，因为他们认为可以看到他们自己的情况映照在希腊模式中。虽然自文艺复兴以来，罗马模式一直被采用作为诸如法国这样的中央集权式高效君主政体国家的模式（这样的君主政体国家会把自己看作延续了“罗马”帝国的传统和良好的道路），但是，不同的独立的政治统一体（例如古希腊城邦）存在于清晰可见的希腊民族文化中，这样的政治统一体看来好像几乎等同于德国实际上可用的和期望的东西。对于新人文主义者来说，德国，像古希腊本身一样，展示一种现存的民族文化继续存在于规模较小的各自为政的公国中；也就是说，德国具有一个在政治碎片化的环境下繁荣昌盛的文化统一体。

The stress on Greek as opposed to Latin on the part of the neohumanists thus also had clear social overtones. The older nobility had taken their cue from French models, and thus they tended to insist on Latin as primary; people such as Niethammer and Hegel, who were claiming entitlement to an elite status on their basis of their Bildung, tended to stress the superiority of Greek models to Latin models as the basis of a truly just and good society, and in that way to differentiate themselves from the claims made by those who wished to continue a hierarchical social order based on (supposedly Roman ideas of) aristocracy. In elevating Greek over Latin, they were in effect saying that the old elite (the aristocratic “Romans”) were going to have to learn from them (the democratic “Greeks”).

    因此，同样具有社会弦外之音的是，新人文主义者强调希腊语与拉丁语的对立。年长的贵族受到法国模式的启发，所以他们倾向于坚持把拉丁语放在首位；而有些人，例如尼特哈默尔和黑格尔，主张精英阶层的权力应建立在他们的教化基础上，倾向于强调希腊模式优于拉丁模式，而且希腊模式应构成一个真正公正和健全社会的基础。从这一点上看，尼特哈默尔和黑格尔这类人可以区别他们自己的主张和以下的这些人的主张：这些人希望延续一种奠基于（据称是罗马）贵族（思想的）等级森严的社会秩序。在推崇希腊模式而贬低拉丁模式时，尼特哈默尔和黑格尔之流实质上是在说旧的精英们（具有贵族气派的“罗马人”）将不得不向他们（具有民主精神的“希腊人”）取经。

In this debate, it was not without importance that both Niethammer and Hegel had come from the university at Jena, the great “bourgeois” alternative to Gottingen’s more aristocratic mold and a hotbed of “Greek” studies; and it was also not without importance that both Niethammer and Hegel had emerged from Wiirttemberg, where the elite consisted of non-noble notables (not aristocrats), who had almost all been educated in the classical “school humanism” of Wiirttemberg.  Finally, and perhaps equally important, they had both come from the Tubingen Seminary, where, as part of their studies, they had actually learned Greek in order to give exegeses of the New Testament. At a time when only a tiny handful of German universities offered any training at all in Greek, their theological training at Tubingen gave them a decided leg up in the emerging reliance on “Greek” models to supplant the older, “Latin” systems of authority. Thus, neither Niethammer nor Hegel found it terribly difficult to translate their Wiirttemberg experience into a form of post-Kantian humanism with a stress on Bildung and the study of Greek.

    在这场争论中，具有重要意义的是尼特哈默尔和黑格尔都来自耶拿大学，在耶拿，“资产阶级”选择哥廷根贵族统治模式和“希腊”研究的温床；同样非常重要的是尼特哈默尔和黑格尔二人都是从符腾堡崭露头角的，在符腾堡精英们由非贵族知名人士（非贵族）组成，他们几乎全都受过符腾堡古典“学院人文主义”教育。最后且大概同样具有重要意义的是，尼特哈默尔和黑格尔二人都来自图宾根神学院，在那里作为他们学习的一部分，他们那时学习希腊语是为了诠释《圣经新约》。在那个只有极少数德国大学能够提供全方位希腊语培训的时代，他们在图宾根接受的神学教育给予他们决定性的帮助，因为这使他们有信心用“希腊”模式取代昔日官方的“拉丁语体系”。因此，尼特哈默尔和黑格尔都发现，把他们两人符腾堡经历变成强调教化和学习希腊语的后康德哲学人文主义形式，这看来不是一件十分困难的事情。

Modernizing Education in Nuremberg

The Problems of “Bavarian” Nuremberg

纽伦堡现代化教育

“巴伐利亚人的”纽伦堡问题

Niethammer, sensing the intense opposition to his plan by the Catholic “old Bavarians,” decided to make his play for educational reform first of all in one of the newly acquired Protestant territories. There, he figured, he would stand the best chance of succeeding and of thereby providing himself with a basis for implementing his reforms throughout the rest of Bavaria. He had to have great trust in Hegel’s abilities and loyalties to put him in charge of that experiment, since he had to be aware that failure in that area would severely undermine his chances of succeeding elsewhere. Niethammer in effect made Hegel into his agent in Nuremberg; Hegel’s job was to make sure that the reforms succeeded, but he was also to be given quite a bit of latitude to determine what needed to be done. Hegel was thus made both rector (“headmaster”) of the Gymnasium and professor of the philosophical preparatory sciences.  He was also made the “head teacher” for the section on philosophy according to Niethammer’s ordinance declaring the necessity for such “head teachers.” As professor of “philosophical preparatory sciences,”

    尼特哈默尔因感觉到他的计划遭到信奉天主教的“老一辈巴伐利亚人”的强烈反对，故而决定首先竭力在一个新形成的新教徒居住区推行他的改革。照他设想，在那里他也许最有机会取得成功，从而以此作为基础把他的改革在巴伐利亚其他地方推行。他必须对黑格尔的能力和忠诚抱有极大的信任，以委托黑格尔负责这次改革实验，因为他必须意识到在这个地区改革失败将会极大降低他在其他地区的成功率。尼特哈默尔实质上使黑格尔成为他在纽伦堡的代理人；黑格尔的工作乃是确保改革万无一失，而他也注定被赋予很大的自由以确定什么是当务之急。黑格尔因此既被任命为高级中学主事人（“校长”），又被晋升为哲学预科科学教授。此外，他还被选为哲学部“教师带头人”，这当然是按照尼特哈默尔宣布这样的“教师带头人”的必要性的既定规则进行的。

Hegel was entrusted to implement Niethammer’s “General Normative” of 1808, which required students at the Gymnasium to study philosophy in a certain sequence of areas, the purpose of which was, according to Niethammer’s directive, “to introduce the student to speculative thought and thereby to lead them through a series of levels of practice to the point at which they would be ready for the systematic study of philosophy with which university instruction begins.”'^

    身为“哲学预科科学”教授，黑格尔被委托去贯彻尼特哈默尔1808年制定的“通用规范”：“通用规范”要求高级中学学生按照某种地区次序去学习哲学，此举的目的在于依照尼特哈默尔指示“向学生们介绍思辨思维，从而通过一系列实践层面使他们达到一定的水准，到此水准，他们应该准备系统地学习哲学，因为大学教育一开始就要学哲学”。

The Gymnasium to which Hegel was called was a reorganized version of a much older, once-famous Nuremberg institution. The school had been founded in 1526 as one of the first Protestant schools in Germany, the very first humanistic Gymnasium in Germany, and the first to make Greek and mathematics a required part of the curriculum. One of the great figures of the Reformation, Melanchthon, had even participated in its founding. By the time Hegel arrived, however, its days of glory were long since behind it. Like many other German institutions, it had failed to modernize and had gradually sunk into mediocrity. But because it was in a firmly Protestant territory, and because the institution had such a glorious past with great affinity to the neo-humanism Niethammer was representing, it seemed the ideal place at which to begin the plan.

    黑格尔所在的高级中学是一所由历史悠久曾经享有盛名的纽伦堡学院重组而成的。这所学校创建于1526年，是德国首批新教学校之一，是德国真正的第一所人文主义高级中学，是德国第一所使希腊语和数学成为必修课程的学校。甚至就连宗教改革的大人物之一梅兰希通也参与了该校的创建。不过，到黑格尔抵达时，它的全盛时代早已不在。像很多其他德国学校一样，它未能跟上现代化步伐，逐渐陷入平庸境地。可是，因为它地处一个坚定信奉新教的区域，因为它具有这样的辉煌的过去且与尼特哈默尔所倡导的新人文主义关系极为密切，所以，它看来好像是开展实施这项计划的理想之地。

Hegel was also stepping into a situation with many potential difficulties. Although the assumption of Nuremberg by Bavaria had not been met with any particularly emotional resistance by Nuremberg’s inhabitants, it was also the case that not everyone was happy about the fact.  Nuremberg had been a free, self-governing imperial city within the old Holy Roman Empire (although surrounded by Prussia), but in the Napoleonic period, Nuremberg had suffered repeated occupation by French troops, had watched many of its art treasures shipped off to Paris, and, as imperial protection of its independence ceased, had been forced to watch itself become an object of negotiation between France, Bavaria, and Prussia without having any right to participate in the negotiations that would shape its destiny. Although Nuremberg had managed to remain one of the six free imperial cities after the Reichsdeputationshauptschlufi of 1803, in 1806 the terms of the act that established the Confederation of the Rhine had simply given Nuremberg over to the Bavarians, and the formal dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 only sealed Nuremberg’s fate. On September 15, 1806, with great fanfare, the occupying French forces gave over Nuremberg to the relevant Bavarian official. Count von Thiirheim himself (whom Schelling had offended and who was to become the general commissioner of Nuremberg), and, overnight, all of Nuremberg’s ancient governing institutions had to be reworked into Bavarian institutions, with some ancient ways of doing things vanishing altogether. For example, Nuremberg had for centuries been ruled by a few patrician families; in 1808, the Bavarian authorities simply dissolved the old patrician council, having allowed it to remain nominally in force from 1806 to 1808 only because they had regarded it, in Count von Thiirheim’s cynical words, as “a useless but also harmless assembly.”'* Some old, important Nuremberg patrician families - such as the von Tucher’s, into which Hegel was to marry - suddenly found themselves no longer entitled by birthright to power in the city. Nonetheless, many members of the Nuremberg elite had sadly come to the conclusion that not only had their former independence become too costly, it had become in any event no longer viable once the protection of the old empire had vanished. An example was Paul Merkel, a prominent Nuremberg merchant and a later friend of Hegel, who was one of the Nuremberg elite who had come to see no other alternative than annexation by Bavaria; his wife, though, felt otherwise, telling her children with tears in her eyes on the day of annexation, “You poor children, you are now vassals of a prince.

黑格尔同样也陷入了一个有着很多潜在困难的境地。巴伐利亚对纽伦堡的接管并没有特别遇到纽伦堡居民情绪上的抵抗，但是事实上并非每个纽伦堡人都对这件事感到满意。纽伦堡在古老的神圣罗马帝国中是个自由的自治的帝国城市（尽管它被普鲁士所环绕），但是在拿破仑执政时期，纽伦堡遭到了法国军队的反复占领，亲眼目睹了它的很多艺术珍宝被运往巴黎，并且，纽伦堡在自己的独立地位失去帝国保护时，只能被迫眼睁睁地看着自身变成法国、巴伐利亚和普鲁士三方之间的商谈对象，纽伦堡自己却无权参与那将会决定自己命运的谈判。纽伦堡试图在1803年的帝国代表团报告后继续成为六座帝国城市之一，但是1806年成立莱茵河联邦的法案中相关条款却完全把纽伦堡割让给巴伐利亚人，同时1806年神圣罗马帝国的正式解体反而注定了纽伦堡的命运。1806年9月15日，明目张胆地，法国占领军把纽伦堡交给了巴伐利亚有关官员冯·蒂尔海姆伯爵（此伯爵曾被谢林得罪过且将成为纽伦堡总督），一夜之间，纽伦堡所有古代政府机构必须被再变成巴伐利亚政府机构，连同一些古代的做事方式也完全消失了。举例来说，纽伦堡多少世纪以来一直由几个贵族家族统治；1808年巴伐利亚当局完全解散了古老的贵族理事会，    但是允许它在1806至1808年间仅名义上仍然是有效的，因为，用冯·蒂尔海姆伯爵愤世嫉俗的话说，巴伐利亚当局把它看作是“一个没用而又无害的立法机构”。一些古老的重要的纽伦堡贵族家族——例如冯·图赫尔家族，黑格尔后来与其联姻的家族——忽然发现他们自己在纽伦堡城不再拥有生来就被赋予的权力。尽管如此，纽伦堡精英中的很多成员还是悲哀地断言，不但他们从前的独立地位变成泡影，而且一旦失去古老帝国的保护，他们从前的独立地位无论如何早已变成不可行的了。保罗·默克尔这位杰出的纽伦堡商人兼后来黑格尔的朋友就是一例，他属于纽伦堡精英中的一员，终于看出巴伐利亚除了被吞并之外别无选择；但是，他的夫人却不敢苟同，在被吞并之日含泪告诉子女：“你们这些可怜的孩子，你们从现在起成了君王的仆从。”

Although Nuremberg was not a large German city by the standards of its day, it was by no means a small town. In 1809, a census taken by Bavarian officials put the population of the city at 25,176.^° Only three cities at the time in German-speaking lands - Vienna, Hamburg, and Berlin - had more than 100,000 inhabitants; Konigsberg, Dresden, Cologne, and Frankfurt had between 50,000 and 60,000 inhabitants.^' Although rich in homegrown traditions, Nuremberg had unfortunately also acquired an enormous debt during the period before and during the Napoleonic reorganization of central Europe. In annexing Nuremberg, Bavaria had to assume those debts. In 1810, Bavarian officials decided that they would continue to pay the reigning two percent interest on the debts to the Nuremberg creditors (mostly the patriciate and wealthy merchants), but, in an effort to limit expenditures, also decided to value the debts at only forty per cent of their paper value, thus effectively slashing by more than half the fortunes of many creditors, a move that did not exactly help to enamor those creditors to their new Bavarian rulers. In order to meet those debts, the Bavarian author- ities began selling off property belonging to the city without regard to its place in the city’s history or its artistic importance; many church properties and buildings (which had also been seized by the state) were also sold or put to other uses (such as becoming post offices). This only further served to disenchant some of the Nuremberg locals with the reforming Bavarians. As an appointee of the central commission in Bavaria and a Swabian, Hegel thus could not expect a free ride in Nuremberg; indeed, he could expect to be greeted with suspicion as an outsider arriving on the scene to reestablish a once-grand local institution of learning.

    按当时标准，纽伦堡不算是个德国大城市，但它也绝不是个小镇。1809年，由巴伐利亚官方进行的人口普查显示该城人口数量为25,176人，那时在说德语的土地上仅有三座城市——维也纳、汉堡和柏林——具有超出10万居民；柯尼斯堡、德累斯顿、科隆和法兰克福的居民介于5万到6万之间。纽伦堡本地传统上盛产水果和蔬菜，但不幸的是纽伦堡在拿破仑重新划分中欧之前和期间却负债累累。在吞并纽伦堡时，巴伐利亚也不得不承担这些债务。1810年，巴伐利亚官员决定，他们将继续拿出政府收入的2%用于纽伦堡债权人的债务（大部分是贵族和富商），但是，他们为了努力压缩支出，同时断定估价债务仅仅是它们书面价值的40%，因此实际上削减了很多债权人超过一半的财富，此举恰恰无助于让这些债权人喜爱新巴伐利亚统治者。为了偿还这些债务，巴伐利亚当局着手变卖属于这个城市而与这个城市历史地位或艺术重要性的地位无关的财产；（同样已经被国家没收的）很多教堂财产和房屋也被变卖或用作别的用途（例如变成邮局）。此举仅仅更加促使一些纽伦堡当地人对主张改革的巴伐利亚人不抱幻想。身为巴伐利亚核心委员会的受命者兼一个斯瓦比亚人，黑格尔因此不可能指望在纽伦堡会过着一种一帆风顺的生活；实际上，作为一个外来者，要想在此重建一所当地曾经辉煌的学府时，他可能料到会遇到各方的质疑。