第15章 在家中：1827年至1831年(2)

第15章 在家中：1827年至1831年(2)

Adding to Hegel’s stress was the fact that the building in which the Hegels lived had to be completely renovated, and Hegel and his wife had to decide whether they would move or continue to live through all the chaos that comes from construction going on in the house. They finally concluded that they liked their apartment on Kupfergraben quite a bit and that, frankly, moving the whole family would be more trouble than putting up with the construction. In the spring and summer of 1829, therefore, they shipped Karl and Immanuel off to relatives and settled into the turmoil of living in a construction zone. Despite his bad health (and being surrounded by the continuous dust accompanying construction, something about which Marie especially complained), he remained more or less in good spirits. Marie Hegel described him in a letter to his sister, Christiane, in June 1829 as being “10 years younger and 20 years more merry and high-spirited as back then in Nuremberg.”^^ No doubt some of that was intended to give a cheerier picture of Hegel’s health to his sister than was accurate; but no doubt part of it was also correct — Hegel was at the height of his fame and powers, and he was relishing it. In any event, whatever stresses and strains there were on the family, they did not stop the Hegels from taking in a friend’s son, a Mr. von Wahl, as a sort of “foster son” while he studied at Berlin. Ludwig’s place in the house was empty, and the Hegel family obviously thought that they could deal with having another young man around the house.

    事实上，还有一件事也给黑格尔带来了额外的压力，那就是他家居住的房屋需要彻底翻修。黑格尔和妻子必须决定，在房屋修缮期间是搬走，还是继续住在杂乱的房子里。最终，他们觉得自己非常喜欢住在库普弗格拉本街的公寓，而且说实话，搬家可能比忍受房屋装修的混乱更麻烦。于是，在1829年的春季和夏季，他们通过水路把卡尔和伊曼努尔送到亲戚家，并且逐渐习惯了居住在满是装修灰尘的混乱环境中。尽管黑格尔身体状况不佳（而且居室周围一直灰尘弥漫，这让玛丽苦不堪言），但他还是尽量保持着良好的精神状态。1829年6月，玛丽在给黑格尔妹妹克里斯蒂安娜的信中，形容黑格尔看上去“年轻了10岁，轻松愉快、兴致勃勃，仿佛回到了20年前在纽伦堡的时光”。当然，信中的部分内容可能是为了让黑格尔的妹妹对他的身体状况感到乐观而有所夸大，但无疑也有部分描述是真实的——黑格尔正处于声誉和能力的巅峰时期，并从中获得了不少乐趣。无论如何，尽管家庭面临着压力和经济上的拮据，黑格尔夫妇还是接纳了朋友的儿子瓦尔先生作为他们的“养子”，当时瓦尔先生正在柏林求学。路德维希的房间空着，黑格尔一家人显然认为，他们能够与这位年轻人和睦相处。

Zelter and Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy

Hegel’s own interest in Berlin’s musical life continued unabated, and his celebrity gave him a certain entree into the scene. His friend Zelter, after all, was one of the dominating presences on the Berlin musical scene as the director of the Singakademie. Zelter, whose tastes in music were extremely conservative and who combined a kind of rough-hewn, gruff manner with an acute sensitivity, idolized Haydn and Mozart (although he rather puritanically saw Mozart as a dissolute, immoral fellow, although a genius of the first order).^® Zelter’s strong musical beliefs included his conviction that the melody of a piece should follow the words exactly, and he mightily distrusted the efforts of people like Beethoven to add color and drama to the accompaniment of a poem set to music, holding that the poetry itself had to bear the whole weight of the emotion. Zelter, whose friendship with Goethe was itself legendary, also influenced Goethe’s own taste in music and probably only reinforced Goethe’s otherwise natural disinclination to the music of Schubert and Beethoven. Hegel shared to a large extent Zelter’s taste (and that Goethe shared it would have legitimated it all the more strongly for Hegel); indeed, it may well have been Zelter’s influence that kept Hegel from even mentioning, much less seriously considering Beethoven.

策尔特与费利克斯·门德尔松 - 巴托尔迪

    黑格尔对柏林音乐生活的兴趣愈发浓厚，他的迅速走红也使他有机会频繁出入剧场。毕竟，他的朋友策尔特作为合唱协会的主管，是柏林音乐舞台的重要人物之一。策尔特的音乐鉴赏力极为保守，他将一种质朴粗犷的风格与高度的敏感性相结合，对海顿和莫扎特推崇备至（尽管他认为莫扎特是个风流不羁的人，但仍将其视为一流的天才）。策尔特坚信，音乐旋律应该与音乐内容相契合，他对像贝多芬这样的音乐大师试图将音色和戏剧元素融入配乐诗歌的做法深表怀疑，认为诗歌本身应承载所有的情感内涵。策尔特与歌德的友谊颇具传奇色彩，他的音乐观念也影响了歌德独特的音乐鉴赏力，这或许也使得歌德更加反感舒伯特和贝多芬的音乐。黑格尔的音乐鉴赏力在很大程度上与策尔特相似（因为歌德也持有类似的观点，这或许让黑格尔更加坚信策尔特的观点，也使他越发坚定地支持策尔特）。实际上，很可能是在策尔特的影响下，黑格尔几乎从未提及贝多芬，也很少认真思考贝多芬的音乐。

One of Zelter’s proteges was Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, the son of a very prominent and prosperous Berlin Jewish family and the grandson of the famous philosopher Moses Mendelssohn. Felix had been recognized at an early age as a child prodigy in music and had been put under Zelter’s wing for instruction. Zelter, proud of his charge, had even taken the twelve-year-old Felix to Weimar in 1821 to meet Goethe and show off his musical skills; when Goethe suddenly produced original scores by Mozart and Beethoven for young Felix to play on the piano, the young man acquitted himself brilliantly and then astonished the assembled group all the more with his own compositions. (Zelter of course taught Mendelssohn to ignore Schubert and Beethoven and to look instead to Mozart; however, luckily enough, another of Mendelssohn’s teachers, Bernhard Klein, taught him to venerate Beethoven and Schubert, and Mendelssohn happily combined the two influences.  Hegel’s friendships with the Mendelssohn family, Zelter, and Klein meant that Hegel was thus acquainted with young Felix MendelssohnBartholdy at an early age. During his years at the university, Felix in fact attended Hegel’s lectures and assiduously took notes on Hegel’s theories of aesthetics.

    策尔特有个徒弟叫费利克斯·门德尔松 - 巴托尔迪，他是柏林一户声名显赫且富裕的犹太人家的儿子，也是著名哲学家莫泽斯·门德尔松的孙子。费利克斯自幼就被视为音乐神童，后来被送到策尔特门下接受培养。策尔特对能教导这样的学生深感自豪，甚至在1821年，他带着12岁的费利克斯前往魏玛拜见歌德，并让费利克斯在歌德面前展示音乐才华。当歌德突然拿出莫扎特和贝多芬的原创曲谱，让年轻的费利克斯现场用钢琴演奏时，费利克斯表现出色，随后他又演奏了自己的作品，令在场众人惊叹不已。（策尔特教导门德尔松不要关注舒伯特和贝多芬的作品，而是要留意莫扎特的作品；不过幸运的是，门德尔松的另一位老师伯恩哈德·克莱因教导他要崇敬贝多芬和舒伯特，门德尔松愉快地融合了这两种不同的影响。）黑格尔与门德尔松家族、策尔特以及克莱因的友谊，使他很早就结识了年轻的费利克斯·门德尔松 - 巴托尔迪。在大学期间，费利克斯还听过黑格尔的演讲，并认真记录了黑格尔关于美学理论的内容。

In 1829, young Felix Mendelssohn, who, as legend has it, had been shown the score to Bach’s Saint Matthew Passion by Zelter, began to think about staging a performance of it; the piece had been written in 1729, the year in which his grandfather Moses Mendelssohn had been born, so Felix hit upon the idea of celebrating both occasions with some kind of public spectacle. Together with Eduard Devrient, a famous young singer in Berlin (and also another of Zelter’s proteges), they conspired to practice the Passion secretly at his house; when the time was right, they sprang their plan on Zelter. Zelter, they knew, admired Bach but thought he was beyond the taste of the Berlin musical public and hence was disinclined to stage Bach choral pieces; but, faced with this coup from his two proteges, after much harumphing and hesitating, Zelter agreed to help them and to put the resources of the Berlin Stngakademie behind their efforts. Ms. Milder-Hauptmann was even persuaded to be one of the soloists. On March ii, 1829, the Passion was staged to overwhelming public acclaim and critical success.

    据说，1829年，年轻的费利克斯·门德尔松在看到策尔特向他展示的巴赫《马太受难曲》的曲谱后，便开始考虑将其搬上舞台进行演奏。这部曲谱创作于1729年，恰好是他的祖父莫泽斯·门德尔松出生的年份，因此费利克斯萌生了通过公演来纪念这两个特殊时刻的想法。他与柏林著名歌唱家爱德华·德弗里恩特（以及策尔特的另一名女弟子）一起，在费利克斯的住处排练《马太受难曲》。时机成熟后，他们将这个计划告诉了策尔特。他们知道，策尔特虽然钦佩巴赫，但认为柏林的音乐大众难以欣赏巴赫的作品，所以并不愿意将巴赫的合唱作品搬上舞台。然而，面对两位门生的创意，策尔特在多次推辞和犹豫后，最终还是同意提供帮助，并动用柏林合唱协会的资源支持他们的演出计划。甚至连米尔德 - 豪普特曼女士也被说服，成为了公演中的独唱演员之一。1829年3月11日，《马太受难曲》成功上演，赢得了观众的热烈掌声和评论界的高度赞誉。

The production became the talk of Berlin, and the demand for another production was so high that it was restaged on March 21 (Bach’s birthday); all the great Berlin notables, including Hegel, attended. Afterward, a proud Zelter held a select dinner at his house for the stars of the performance and the local luminaries. Eduard Devrient and his wife, Therese, so overwhelmed with admirers after the event that they arrived at Zelter’s much later than the other guests, hurriedly took their seats at the places assigned to them. Therese was immediately told to take a seat next to Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, and in her memory of things, Felix “stood up, as did the man on my left, to help me squeeze in, as things were very tight. Felix was in an effervescent mood, we chatted and laughed, so that I didn’t notice the servant offering me things. The man on my left bid me to let him do it. Afterward, he continuously tried to talk me into drinking some more wine and to fill my glass, which I declined until it was proposed that we toast to the health of the artist, from which, he rather affectedly whispered, I could not exclude myself, to which he then festively clinked glasses with me.  He unrelentingly gripped my furthermost lace sleeve ‘in order to protect it!’, as he put it when he occasionally turned to me. In short, he so annoyed me with his gallantries that I turned to Felix and asked, ‘Tell me who this dumb goofball is beside me.’ Felix held his handkerchief over his mouth for a moment and then whispered, ‘The dumb goofball there beside you is the famous philosopher, Hegel.’ Hegel, the Wiirt- temberger from Stuttgart, apparently liked playing the role of a “gentleman of the old order” and apparently was oblivious to just how his affectations were being received; just as he had irritated Caroline Schlegel Schelling at Jena with his behavior, he managed in Berlin to irritate Therese Devrient with his mannerisms vis-a-vis women.

    这次演出成为了柏林街头巷尾热议的话题，观众们强烈要求加演一场。于是，在3月21日（巴赫的生日），《马太受难曲》再次上演，柏林的各界名流，包括黑格尔，都前来观看。演出结束后，策尔特在自己家中举办了一场盛大的答谢宴会，招待参演的明星和当地的名人。演出结束后，爱德华·德弗里恩特和他的妻子特雷泽被崇拜者们团团围住，他们比其他宾客晚很多才到达策尔特的宴会现场，匆匆在为他们预留的座位上坐下。特雷泽刚坐下，就被安排坐在费利克斯·门德尔松旁边。据她回忆，“就像我左边的宾客一样，费利克斯站起身来帮我入座，因为大家坐得很拥挤。费利克斯兴致很高，我们有说有笑，所以我都没注意到服务员递东西给我。我左边的男士坚持要帮我递东西，后来他还不停地劝我多喝些葡萄酒，并不停地给我斟酒，我一直婉言拒绝。直到有人提议‘为某个艺术家的健康干杯’，这时我左边的这位男士还故作神秘地跟我窃窃私语这件事，我躲都躲不开。在干杯时，他还像过节似的跟我频频碰杯。当他偶尔面向我时，还死死地抓住我最外边的花边袖子，说是‘以免它被弄脏了’。总之，这位男士的过分殷勤让我感到很不舒服，我便问费利克斯，‘告诉我，坐在我旁边的这个傻瓜是谁？’费利克斯用手帕捂着嘴片刻，然后低声说，‘坐在你左边的这个傻瓜就是著名的哲学家黑格尔。’”黑格尔，这位来自斯图加特的符腾堡人，显然喜欢扮演“旧秩序下的绅士角色”，却完全没意识到他的这种行为给别人带来了怎样的感受。就像他在耶拿时因自己的行为惹恼了卡罗利内·施莱格尔·谢林一样，这次在柏林，他对女性的这种举动也激怒了特雷泽·德弗里恩特。

Reunion with Schelling

The association with Mendelssohn-Bartholdy was, however, gratifying.  He now had a young man billed as the “new Mozart” as one of his students, taking notes at his lectures on aesthetics, and he enjoyed chatting with young Felix, who was invited to accompany Hegel on some of his various strolls. Indeed, in the course of 1830, things began to calm down a bit for Hegel. The university celebrated the twentieth anniversary of its founding in August, and at all the gala ceremonies, people noticed how Hegel and Schleiermacher (among others) seemed to bury the hatchet and get along quite well with each other. Both Schleiermacher’s and Hegel’s deep commitment to the success of the new, modern Berlin university apparently brought them together, at least on this occasion.

与谢林重聚

    与费利克斯·门德尔松 - 巴托尔迪的交往，让黑格尔十分满意。如今，他的学生中有这样一位极具天赋、有望成为“新的莫扎特”的青年才俊，还在他的美学课上认真做笔记。黑格尔很乐意与年轻的费利克斯聊天，费利克斯有时还会受邀陪黑格尔散步。实际上，在1830年，对黑格尔来说并没有什么特别令人心绪波动的大事。8月，柏林大学庆祝建校20周年，在所有的庆典活动中，人们注意到黑格尔（以及施莱尔马赫）看起来相处得十分融洽，似乎已经冰释前嫌。施莱尔马赫和黑格尔都衷心祝愿新的现代化的柏林大学能够取得成功，这显然让他们在这一刻携手共进。

To the surprise of some, Hegel was elected in 1830 as the rector (more or less the president) of the university, the highest administrative office for the institution. It was clear that whatever negative feelings some of the faculty had harbored about Hegel in the past, they had for the most part been put aside. He was finally being recognized by his fellow professors, something which must have moved him deeply. (But clearly some people, like the eminent theologian August Neander - who under Schleiermacher’s influence had converted to Christianity from Judaism - were still ambivalent about Hegel; Neander refused to become the dean of the theological faculty because he feared there would inevitably be conflicts between himself and Hegel.

    令一些人惊讶的是，1830年黑格尔被推选为柏林大学主事人（相当于校长），成为了这一公共机构的最高行政长官。很明显，学院里的一些同仁，无论过去对黑格尔有过怎样的负面看法，如今大多已经释怀。他终于得到了教授同仁们的认可，这想必让他深受感动。（然而，也有一些人，比如著名的神学家奥古斯特·内安德——他在施莱尔马赫的影响下从犹太教改信基督教——仍然对黑格尔心存矛盾。内安德拒绝出任神学院院长，因为他担心自己与黑格尔之间会不可避免地产生冲突。）

Shortly after the celebrations, Hegel - who as rector was now to be addressed as Magnifizenz - set off for the spas at Teplitz and Karlsbad.  His mother-in-law and her sister had preceded him there, and Hegel was happy to arrive on August 26 and join them for a celebration of his birthday the next day. (Once again, he was conveniently absent from Berlin for the event.) The night he arrived, he and Marie’s mother’s group feasted on a Rebhuhn (a kind of pheasant), had a jolly time, and Hegel made a good impression on all the ladies in Marie’s family.^® (There was even a whiff of scandal in the whole stopover; Marie’s Aunt Rosenhayn - her mother’s sister - was traveling with a man to whom she was not married, and, as Marie’s mother told Marie, she found it all, well, “shocking,” but then who was she to meddle in “secrets of the heart”?)^' Hegel stayed in Teplitz with Marie’s mother and aunt for a few days, at which point they all set off for Prague, where he stayed with Marie’s uncle (whom he had seen during his earlier trip to Prague).

    在柏林大学庆典结束后不久，已成为主事人（现在应被称为校长阁下）的黑格尔前往特普利采和卡尔斯巴德温泉疗养地。他的岳母和岳母的妹妹已经先到了那里，8月26日，黑格尔心情愉快地抵达并与她们会合，准备第二天一起庆祝自己的生日（他又一次在柏林之外度过了简单的生日）。到达的当晚，他与玛丽母亲家族的成员一起享用了山鹑（一种野鸡），度过了一段愉快的时光，黑格尔给玛丽家族的所有女士都留下了良好的印象。（在整个停留期间，还传出了一个小小的绯闻：玛丽的姨妈罗森海因——玛丽母亲的妹妹——正与一个未结婚的男子一起旅行，玛丽的母亲告诉玛丽，她理所当然地觉得整件事“令人震惊”，但她是否应该去探究这个男子“内心的秘密”呢？）黑格尔与玛丽的母亲和姨妈在特普利采小住了几天，然后他们一同前往布拉格，黑格尔住在玛丽的叔叔家（黑格尔早年去布拉格旅行时曾与玛丽的叔叔见过一面）。

He arrived in Karlsbad on September 3, 1829. He immediately set out on a regime of drinking the sparkling mineral water for which the spa was famous, and he was able to report back to Marie that after two or three days of hiking and drinking mineral water (and eating healthy spa food), he no longer had any chest pains at all.^^ One day during his stay at the baths, he heard that, of all people, Schelling was also at one of the spas in town. Hegel went searching and located his old friend and now adversary. He wrote his wife about it; he characterized their meeting as a very happy reunion, and described how they immediately hit it off together like “cordial friends of old.”^^ Schelling, he remarked, looked very “healthy and strong,” not even needing the spa’s regime except as a “preservative.” They took a walk together, sat in a coffee house and jointly read the newspaper accounts of the taking of Adrianapolis in the Russian-Turkish war, and then passed the evening together.  The idea of the old friends effortlessly renewing their old camaraderie became Hegel’s official account of his reunion with Schelling; he re- peated it to others, and Marie repeated Hegel’s characterization of it to all their friends - they were just like “cordial friends of old,” she would say.

    1829年9月3日，黑格尔抵达卡尔斯巴德。他立刻前往温泉疗养地，饮用这里闻名的冒泡矿泉水。他心情大好地向玛丽汇报，经过两三天的徒步旅行、饮用矿泉水（以及食用温泉疗养地的健康食品）后，他的胸痛症状完全消失了。有一天，他在泡温泉时，听说谢林也在这个城镇的某个温泉疗养地。黑格尔便去打听这位昔日老友、如今对手的住处。他写信告诉妻子这件事，称他们的重逢非常愉快，两人立刻就像“推心置腹的老友”一样相处融洽。他还评价说，谢林看起来非常“健康和强壮”，如果不是把泡温泉当作“预防疾病的措施”，他甚至根本不需要来温泉疗养地。他们一起散步，在咖啡馆小坐，共同阅读报纸上关于俄国在对土耳其战争中占领阿德里亚诺波利斯的报道，一起度过了那个夜晚。黑格尔将与谢林的重逢描述为老友间轻松地重叙旧谊，他向其他人讲述这件事，玛丽也把黑格尔的描述告诉了他们所有的朋友——他们就像“推心置腹的老友”，她总是这样说。

This reconciliation with Schelling filled an emotional hole in Hegel’s life. He, Holderlin, and Schelling had been inseparable during their youth at the university; Schelling had given him his start at Jena, and he had in fact begun his academic career as more or less a Schellingian.  Thus, the bitterness and rivalry that had later emerged between them obviously did not sit well with Hegel, and he surely knew that part of the blame lay with himself. Although he had never publicly spoken badly of Schelling himself - even though he had criticized Schelling’s philosophy quite a bit in his lectures - his scathing references to Schellingian thought in his Phenomenology of Spirit^ which he had feebly tried to explain away as not directed at Schelling personally but only at the weak-minded uses to which others had put his ideas, had certainly not convinced Schelling himself, and Hegel had never even replied to Schelling’s rather cold letter to him about those particular passages in the Phenomenology (even though Schelling had ended his letter on a somewhat conciliatory note).

    与谢林的和解，弥补了黑格尔生活中情感上的裂痕。他、荷尔德林和谢林在青年时代于大学时形影不离。谢林曾在黑格尔耶拿时期的早期学术研究中给予帮助，事实上，黑格尔在学术生涯初期或多或少是作为谢林思想的追随者起步的。因此，后来两人之间产生的怨恨和对立，黑格尔内心其实是有些愧疚的，他也确实认识到自己在一定程度上负有责任。尽管他从未公开说过谢林本人的坏话（即使他在演讲中经常批评谢林的哲学），但他在《精神现象学》中对谢林思想进行了尖锐的指责。对于这些指责，他曾试图解释说并非针对谢林个人，而是针对其他人对谢林思想的肤浅运用，但这样的解释显然缺乏说服力，无法让谢林信服。谢林曾就《精神现象学》中的那些特定段落，给黑格尔写过一封冷冰冰的信，而黑格尔实际上从未回复（尽管谢林在信的结尾语气有所缓和）。

As Hegel was making his own career, moreover, the tendency of many to lump him and Schelling together led him to stress their differences. The rift between them had thus grown, and Hegel seemed to have come to the conclusion that the rift had been inevitable. During his lectures in Berlin, he had once remarked on the nature of youthful friendships, and those comments seem to have been thinly disguised autobiographical reflections on his own relations with both Holderlin and Schelling in their Tubingen days, and on his later relations with Holderlin in Frankfurt, with Schelling in their early years in Jena together, and with Niethammer even later in Nuremberg. In each of those cases, his onetime close friendship had cooled down as Hegel had gone his own way and moved up in the world. Youth is a period, Hegel said, “in which individuals become intimate and are so closely bound into one disposition, will, and activity that, as a result, every undertaking of the one becomes the undertaking of the other. In the friendship of adult men this is no longer the case. A man’s affairs go their own way independently and cannot be carried into effect in that firm community of mutual effort in which one man cannot achieve anything without someone else. Men find others and separate themselves from them again; their interests and occupations drift apart and unite again; friendship, the innerness of disposition, principles, and general trends of life remain, but this is not the friendship of young men. ... It is inherent essentially in the principle of our deeper life that, on the whole, every man fends for himself, i.e., is himself proficient in his own actuality.”^'*

    更糟糕的是，当黑格尔在事业上取得成功时，很多人常常将他与谢林混为一谈，这使得他开始强调两人哲学思想的差异。两人之间的裂痕逐渐加深，黑格尔似乎也认定他们之间的矛盾已不可避免。早在柏林教书期间，黑格尔就曾对年轻人之间友谊的本质发表过评论，如今看来，这些评论似乎隐隐透露出他对自己在图宾根大学时期与荷尔德林和谢林的关系，以及后来在法兰克福时期与荷尔德林的关系、耶拿时期与谢林的关系，甚至更晚些时候在纽伦堡与尼特哈默尔的关系的自我反思。在这些经历中，每当黑格尔在自己的道路上前进并取得进展时，他与昔日挚友的关系就会逐渐疏远。黑格尔说，青春是人生中的一个阶段，“在这个阶段，人们彼此亲密无间，在性情、意志和行为上宛如一人，以至于一个人的事业也成为了其他人的事业。而在成年人的友谊中，这种情况便不复存在了。一个人的事务需要自己独立完成，无法像在一个稳固的共同体中那样，通过彼此的协作来实现，在那样的共同体中，没有他人的帮助，一个人将一事无成。人们寻求他人的帮助，然后又各自分开；他们的利益和职业逐渐变得不同，而后又可能再次重合；友谊、性情的内涵、原则以及一般的生活走向依然存在，但这已不再是年轻人之间的友谊……总的来说，每个人都为自己而奋斗，也就是说，每个人都要了解自己的处境，这本质上是我们生命深处与生俱来的东西。”

But, however Hegel thought it necessary for each man to fend for himself, it was equally important emotionally at that point to Hegel that he and Schelling make up, and that was exactly how he interpreted their encounter. In fact, he even took to defending Schelling after a fashion; after Victor Cousin had published a book of “philosophical fragments,” Hegel chided him (in a letter of February 1830) about the superficiality of his treatment of recent German philosophy and noted that “Schelling’s philosophy, which you mention, embraces in its principles much more than you have attributed to it, and you yourself ought surely to have known that.”^^

    但是，不管黑格尔认为每个人多么需要为自己努力奋斗，在当时的黑格尔看来，与谢林达成和解在情感上同样至关重要，而这也恰恰影响着他对两人邂逅的诠释。实际上，他甚至曾勉强为谢林辩护。在维克托・库赞出版《哲学札记》一书后，黑格尔（在 1830 年 2 月的一封信中）批评库赞对近代德国哲学的论述过于浅薄，并强调指出：“谢林的哲学，如你在论述中所提及的谢林哲学，蕴含着丰富的原理，并非如你所认为的那般简单，而你自己也确实应当明白这一点。”

However, Schelling’s account to his wife of his meeting with Hegel diverged in important ways from Hegel’s. He noted in a letter to her, “Imagine, yesterday as I was sitting in the bath, I heard a somewhat unpleasant, half-forgotten voice asking for me. Then the stranger gave his name, it was Hegel from Berlin, who had come here from Prague with some relatives and wanted to stay a couple of days here on the trip. That afternoon he came a second time, very eager and uncommonly friendly as if nothing were standing between us; however, since we haven’t had any scholarly conversation up until now, which I also do not intend to let myself get induced into, and since he incidentally is a very bright person, I did spend two agreeable hours conversing with him in the evening. I haven’t yet visited him again; he’s a bit too far away from me in the Golden Lion.”^® There are several revealing phrases, including “as if nothing were standing between us,” and his remark about refusing to engage in any “scholarly {wissensc haft lie hen) conversation” with Hegel. Schelling had obviously felt a bit betrayed by Hegel as Hegel rose to fame, and this had tended to color Schelling’s own view of Hegel as a person and as a thinker; he had known Hegel as a youth, and he was convinced that Hegel simply was not as clever as his admirers thought he was, that what was admirable in Hegel’s philosophy was what he had lifted from Schelling himself, and that what was objectionable was the rationalist form he had imposed on it. Schelling was thus not ready for reconciliation with Hegel, although Hegel (per- haps because he had won the battle for public opinion) was clearly in need of reconciliation with Schelling.

    然而，谢林对妻子讲述的他与黑格尔见面的情况，在一些关键方面与黑格尔的描述大相径庭。他在写给妻子的信中说道：“可以想象，昨天我在浴池里洗澡时，听到有个人操着一种有点让人不太愉快、且几乎被我遗忘的口音找我。接着，这个陌生人通报了姓名，原来是来自柏林的黑格尔，他在和一些亲戚旅行途中，从布拉格来到这里，打算在此逗留两天。那天下午，他又来到我这里，显得格外热情和友好，仿佛我们之间毫无隔阂。不过，到目前为止我们还没有进行学术交流（我也不想陷入学术交流），而且他偶尔也表现得很识趣，所以那天晚上和他交谈两个小时，我确实感到比较愉快。我没有回访他，他就住在离我很近的金狮旅店。” 谢林的信中，“好像我们俩之间毫无隔阂” 以及他提到拒绝与黑格尔进行 “学术（科学）交流” 的这些话，透露了实情。显然，谢林觉得黑格尔成名后有点过河拆桥的意味，这也导致谢林对黑格尔的为人和学术产生了偏见。谢林早年就认识黑格尔，他坚信黑格尔并不像黑格尔的仰慕者认为的那样聪慧，认为黑格尔哲学中值得赞赏的部分是从他谢林那里剽窃而来的，而且讨厌黑格尔强加上去的理性主义形式。因此，谢林并不愿意与黑格尔和解，尽管黑格尔（或许是因为他要为赢得公众舆论而努力）显然渴望与谢林消除嫌隙。

The full rapprochement between the two men, however, never came about in Hegel’s lifetime. A few years after Hegel’s death, Hegel’s son Immanuel went to Munich to study law (where he lived with his godfather, Immanuel Niethammer) and decided to hear Schelling’s lectures; at first, he was incensed by what he took to be Schelling’s negative views on his father’s thought, but later, after having been invited to Schelling’s house for several balls, having been invited for Schelling’s sixtieth birthday celebration, and having met Schelling’s daughters, he changed his mind. Immanuel became a frequent visitor to Schelling’s house and an admirer of Schelling as a person and as a thinker, even later endorsing his appointment to his father’s old chair in Berlin.  Schelling himself apparently only achieved his own reconciliation with Hegel through Hegel’s son, four years after Hegel’s death.

    不过，两人之间的和解在黑格尔生前终究未能实现。黑格尔去世后的最初几年，黑格尔的儿子伊曼努尔前往慕尼黑研读法学（在那里他与监护人伊曼努尔・尼特哈默尔生活在一起），并决定去听谢林的课。起初，伊曼努尔对谢林否定他父亲黑格尔思想的观点感到愤怒，但后来，在应邀参加了几次谢林家举办的舞会，出席了谢林 60 岁寿辰的庆贺活动，以及见过谢林的女儿们之后，伊曼努尔改变了对谢林的看法。从此，伊曼努尔成了谢林家中的常客，对谢林的为人和学问十分仰慕，甚至后来还赞同谢林接任他父亲在柏林大学的职位。显然，谢林是在黑格尔去世 4 年后，通过与黑格尔之子的接触，才在某种程度上实现了与黑格尔的和解。

New Honors and New Worries

Overbearing Times

Hegel returned to Berlin feeling much better and turned his energies to his newly acquired post as rector of the university and to working on the Jahrbiicher. Hegel’s prestige with the government was such that he was allowed to hold two distinct administrative positions: In addition to his position as rector, he was also to function as the government plenipotentiary overseeing the university (a post required by the Karlsbad decrees and which until then had always been held by someone outside of the university). The latter involved being the middleman between the university and the government and overseeing the university from the government’s perspective, and it was thus a great honor for Hegel and a matter of some importance to the university that for the first time since the Karlsbad decrees, the university was not being overseen by some nonuniversity government official. For his inauguration as rector, he delivered a Latin address urging the students, not surprisingly, to devote themselves to Wissenschaft.

新的荣誉与新的忧虑

专横的时代

    黑格尔回到柏林后，身体状况大有好转，他将精力投入到新担任的大学校长职务以及编纂《科学批判年鉴》的工作中。黑格尔在政府中威望颇高，这使他得以担任两个不同的行政职位：除了校长一职外，他还行使着受政府全权委托监督大学的职责（这一职位是由《卡尔斯巴德法令》赋予的，在黑格尔之前，一直由非大学工作人员担任）。后一项职责要求他充当政府与学校之间的中间人，并从政府的角度监督大学。这对黑格尔来说是极大的荣誉，对学校而言也是一个重要的转变，因为自《卡尔斯巴德法令》颁布以来，学校首次摆脱了非大学政府官员的监督。在校长就职典礼上，黑格尔发表了一篇拉丁文演说，鼓励学生们献身科学，这并不令人意外。

But Hegel’s illness did not go away, and his ill health, his anxiety about his health, and his own very typical self-assuredness about the rightness of his cause made him more and more imperious and domi- neering, even to his friends. In one case that illustrates many others, during a meeting of the board of the Jahrhuch in 1829, Hegel and Varnhagen von Ense were discussing a book dealing with the so-called “wars of liberation”; their conversation, however, quickly escalated into a heated argument about the depiction of a particular battle in the book.  Hegel vehemently held that the book had gotten it all wrong; Varnhagen von Ense in fact had been an officer at the battle depicted in the book and claimed that the book’s description was substantially correct, but that minor fact counted for nothing to Hegel, who simply would not be persuaded that he might be wrong about something about which, in this case, he knew little. Hegel’s assistant, von Henning (who had also fought in the wars) tried to calm him down and to mediate the dispute, but Hegel’s outburst, his attempt to dress down Varnhagen von Ense as if he were a some kind of schoolboy, was painfully embarrassing for all present.^® Varnhagen von Ense, in fact, sadly recalled Hegel’s comportment in his last couple of years of life as being “wholly absolutistic,” how in meetings of the board of the Jahrbiicher he was becoming “more difficult and more tyrannical” as time went on.^’ In his outbursts, he would dress down even his good friends as if they were children being scolded, something everyone concerned found both embarrassing and painful to behold.

    然而，疾病一直困扰着黑格尔。身体的不适、对健康的担忧，以及他一贯对自己事业正义性的坚定自信，这些因素使得他变得越来越专横跋扈、盛气凌人，即便对自己的朋友也是如此。举个例子，在 1829 年《科学批判年鉴》的理事会上，黑格尔和瓦恩哈根・冯・恩泽就一本论述所谓 “解放战争” 的书展开了讨论。然而，两人关于书中一场具体战斗的描述的交流，很快演变成了激烈的争论。黑格尔言辞激烈地认为这本书完全是一派胡言；而瓦恩哈根・冯・恩泽实际上曾在该书描述的那场战斗中担任军官，他坚称书中的描述基本准确。但在黑格尔看来，这个次要事实说明不了什么问题，他根本不认为自己在这件了解甚少的事情上可能会出错。黑格尔的助手冯・亨宁（他也参加过那场 “解放战争” 中的战斗）试图让黑格尔冷静下来并调解这场争论，可黑格尔却勃然大怒，像训斥一个听话的小学生一样狠狠责骂了瓦恩哈根・冯・恩泽，这让在场的所有人都感到十分尴尬和痛苦。实际上，瓦恩哈根・冯・恩泽后来悲哀地回忆说，黑格尔在生命的最后两年里，行为举止尽显 “完全的专制主义”，随着时间的推移，他在《科学批判年鉴》理事会上变得 “越来越难以相处、越来越苛刻专横”。每当他勃然大怒时，甚至会把好友当作犯错的孩子一样狠狠训斥，在场的每个人目睹此情此景，都既尴尬又痛苦。

However, during the early parts of 1830, Hegel began to ease up a bit. After one of Hegel’s typical explosions, Varnhagen von Ense offered his hand to Hegel to let him know that he still honored him and considered him his friend; Hegel, obviously moved by this gesture, his eyes filled with tears, instead of merely taking von Ense’s hand, embraced him."^' He even confessed to Zelter that he had allowed himself to become too caught up with his opponents.'*^ He clearly was seeking some kind of reconciliation with some of the people whom he had treated so haughtily, and he was clearly, worried and stressed as he was, having a difficult time doing so.

    不过，在 19 世纪 30 年代初期，黑格尔的脾气开始有所缓和。有一次，在黑格尔大发雷霆之后，瓦恩哈根・冯・恩泽伸出手准备与黑格尔握手，告诉他自己仍然尊敬他，并依旧把他当作好朋友。黑格尔显然被这一举动感动了，他热泪盈眶，不仅握住了瓦恩哈根・冯・恩泽的手，还拥抱了他。他甚至坦诚对策尔特说，自己曾经紧紧揪住对手不放。显然，他在努力与那些曾被他傲慢对待的人达成和解，尽管他内心充满了忧虑和紧张，但时间似乎已经不多了。

Although Hegel’s celebrity was also now so high that a tobacconist even attempted to get his endorsement for some snuff tobacco, he continued to experience rebuffs from various sides even in his newly assumed position of responsibility and honor.Early in 1830, Altenstein proposed Hegel for the royal honors list (the Red Order of the Eagle, third class), but he was outright refused, while at the same time Alexander von Humboldt managed to get two of his friends on the faculty so listed.'*'^ And as if to continue what had long since become a farce, Wilhelm von Humboldt agreed to have Hegel accepted as a member of the Academy of Sciences in May 1830, noting that Hegel should have been accepted long ago; but, as if on cue, on December 15, 1830, the Academy once again refused to accept Hegel - refused to accept the very elected rector of the university itself!

    此时的黑格尔声誉极高，就连一个烟草商都试图借助他的支持来推销某种鼻烟产品。然而，即便他刚担任了象征责任和荣誉的职位，仍然面临着来自各方的抵制。1830 年初，阿尔滕施泰因提议将黑格尔列入皇家荣誉（三级红鹰勋章）名单，但黑格尔断然拒绝了。当时，亚历山大・冯・洪堡正设法让他在学院的两位朋友进入这份名单。仿佛是要继续上演很久以前就已混乱不堪的闹剧，威廉・冯・洪堡在 1830 年 5 月竟然同意接纳黑格尔为科学院成员，还强调黑格尔早就应该被接纳。然而，这似乎是个不祥之兆，1830 年 12 月 15 日，科学院再次拒绝接纳黑格尔 —— 拒绝接纳这位恰恰是由大学自身投票选出的校长入会！

There were also some disquieting rumblings coming from other university towns in Prussia. In Halle in January 1830, several theologians associated with the recently founded (1827), very conservative Evangelische Kirchenzeitung {Journal of the Evangelical Church) were accused of “lack of belief,” the basis for the charges lying in some student notes on their lectures. After much controversy and some lawsuits, they were declared innocent. But Hegel, like all other professors, followed these events with great interest and some apprehension; if one could be denounced on the basis of student lecture notes, then clearly everybody was in danger. Worse, almost everybody, including Hegel, had thought that those kinds of inquisitions were long since over, and yet here they were, surfacing again.

    普鲁士其他大学城也传来了令人不安的抱怨声。1830 年 1 月，在哈雷，几位与新近（1827 年）创办的、非常保守的《新教教会杂志》（EuangelischeKircherxeitxumzg）有关的神学家被指控 “缺乏信仰”，而指控的依据是一些学生的听课笔记。经过大量的法庭辩论和诉讼后，他们最终被宣告无罪。不过，黑格尔和其他教授一样，饶有兴趣又略带忧虑地关注着这些事件。如果仅凭学生的听课笔记就能指控一位教师，那么显然人人都会感到自危。更糟糕的是，几乎所有人，包括黑格尔自己，都以为这类审讯早在很久以前就该销声匿迹了，没想到如今它们又卷土重来。

Remembrances of Holderlin

On March 6, 1830, Hegel was invited as the rector of the university to attend a luncheon with the crown prince, his wife, and other members of the court. There was some discussion among members of the court as to what they should talk about with their celebrity philosopher, and at first the conversation seemed to stall. In order to break the ice.  Princess Marianne, the crown prince’s wife, asked Hegel about his old friend Issak von Sinclair. The princess was Marianne of HessenHomburg; her father had been the Landgraf of Hessen-Homburg, for whom Sinclair had been the minister, and Sinclair in turn had employed Holderlin as librarian during Hegel’s stay in Frankfurt. Her older sister, Auguste, had in fact in her youth been enamored of Holderlin. Hegel suddenly came alive; his own memories of the heady days in Frankfurt with his friend Holderlin, now apparently living in the darkness of mental illness in Tubingen, welled up, and he began to speak with great spiritedness about the area itself, remembering the name of each small mountain that lay between Frankfurt and Homburg vor der Hohe, hills that he had often walked with Sinclair. In her diary, the princess noted in an almost Proustian voice, “At that point, he began to speak of Holderlin, whom the world has forgotten - of his book, Hyperion - all of which had constituted an epoque for me on account of my sister Auguste’s relation to them - and I found by the sounding of this name a true joy - a whole lost past went through me ... it was a remembrance awakened as otherwise would be done through a smell or melody or sound.The princess recalled her vivid memories of seeing the sun coming through the window and seeing Hyperion bound in green lying on the windowsill. Hegel spoke of his now-lost times with his friend Holderlin.

回忆荷尔德林

    1830 年 3 月 6 日，黑格尔作为大学校长，应邀与王储、王储妻子以及宫廷其他成员共进午餐。宫廷成员们讨论着该与这位德高望重的哲学家聊些什么，起初，交谈似乎陷入了僵局。为了活跃气氛，王储妻子玛丽安娜王妃向黑格尔询问他的老友伊萨克・冯・辛克莱的近况。王妃全名黑森 - 洪堡的玛丽安娜，她的父亲是黑森 - 洪堡侯爵，辛克莱曾在其手下担任部长。黑格尔客居法兰克福期间，辛克莱曾聘请荷尔德林担任图书馆馆员，而王妃的姐姐奥古斯特年轻时曾倾心于荷尔德林。黑格尔立刻来了兴致，那些与挚友荷尔德林在法兰克福度过的美好而陶醉的日子，瞬间涌上他的心头。而此时的荷尔德林，显然在图宾根因精神病过着痛苦的生活。黑格尔开始满怀热情地讲述法兰克福这个地方，回忆起位于法兰克福与霍姆堡之间的每一座小山的名字，其中有些山是他当年常与辛克莱一起攀登的。王妃在日记中，几乎以普鲁斯特式的笔触记录道：“在那一刻，他开始谈起荷尔德林，这个被世界遗忘的人。他们之间的联系，在我眼中构成了一个时代。并且，我从这个名字的发音中发现了一种真切的乐趣。一个完全消逝的过去与我擦肩而过 —— 它是一段被唤醒的回忆，或许，以别样的方式，这段回忆也可能通过一种味道、一首歌曲或一种声音被唤醒。” 王妃生动地回忆起，当时太阳光透过窗户洒进来，绿面装帧的《许佩里翁》静静地躺在窗台上。黑格尔津津有味地讲述着他与挚友荷尔德林逝去的美好时光。

It was not the first time in Berlin that Hegel had thought of his old, and at one time dearest, friend; in fact, Hegel had been a participant in an effort to get Holderlin’s works published in Berlin. A fastidious lieutenant in the Prussian army (Johann Heinrich Diest) had led the effort, engaging Johannes Schulze (who had also been an old friend of Sinclair’s), Princess Marianne, and Hegel himself, who had offered much advice and had spoken of the conversations that he and Holderlin had pursued on the topics of Holderlin’s dramas (but alas, Hegel had to tell Diest, he personally had no manuscripts of Holderlin’s to offer for the edition); and in 1822, a new edition of Hyperion was published, followed by a new volume of Holderlin’s poetry in 1826.“^^ Hegel in fact never mentioned Holderlin in his writings or in his lectures (even on aesthetics); for Hegel, Holderlin seemed to have been merely an old friend and a failed poet; he tended, no doubt, to see Holderlin as someone who had not completely worked through the common revolutionary project that he, Holderlin, and Schelling had begun as youths in the university. But, it was clear, even though he had never spoken of him, he had never forgotten the person who had the most influence on him and been his dearest friend. For a moment with Princess Marianne, Hegel was not thinking of the present but was lost in his youth again, reliving in memory his Frankfurt days.

    这并非黑格尔第一次在柏林怀念他昔日最亲密的朋友。实际上，黑格尔早已参与推动荷尔德林著作在柏林的出版工作。一位挑剔的普鲁士军队中尉（约翰・海因里希・迪斯特）全面负责这项工作，约翰・舒尔策（他也是辛克莱的老友）、玛丽安娜王妃和黑格尔本人也都参与其中。黑格尔提出了许多建议，并提及他和荷尔德林就荷尔德林剧本主题所进行的交谈（但遗憾的是，黑格尔不得不告诉迪斯特，他个人没有荷尔德林的手稿可供出版）。1822 年，新版《许佩里翁》出版，时隔 4 年后的 1826 年，荷尔德林的新诗集也得以问世。事实上，黑格尔在自己的作品中或课堂上从未提及过荷尔德林（甚至在美学方面也不例外）。对黑格尔而言，荷尔德林似乎只是一位老友和一位失败的诗人。毫无疑问，黑格尔倾向于认为，荷尔德林没有彻底完成他们三人（他、荷尔德林、谢林）年轻时在大学就已着手拟定的共同革命计划。然而，显而易见的是，尽管黑格尔从未提到过荷尔德林，但他也从未忘记这位对他影响深远、曾是他最亲爱的朋友的人。在与玛丽安娜王妃短暂的交谈中，黑格尔忘却了眼前的事务，再次沉浸在对青年时代的回忆中，重温着在法兰克福那段美好的时光。

The Anniversary of the Augsburg Confession

The summer of 1830 marked the three hundredth anniversary of the Augsburg Confession, and the Berlin government and university decided to make quite a show of the event. They therefore called on Hegel as rector of the university and as the celebrity philosopher of Berlin to deliver one of the two main Latin addresses during the official festivities on June 25. The “confession” itself had been submitted to the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V, at the Diet of Augsburg on June 25, 1530, and, largely compiled by Melanchton and based on Luther’s writings, it had set out the official doctrines of what came to be the Lutheran Church; it distinguished the Lutheran creed both from Catholicism and from other Protestant sects, it specified explicitly what the new Lutheran creed held in common with Catholic doctrine, and it laid out the bases for abolishing monastic vows, mandatory celibacy for the clergy and so on.

“奥格斯堡忏悔” 纪念日

    1830 年夏天，是 “奥格斯堡忏悔” 三百周年纪念日，柏林市政府和柏林大学决定隆重庆祝这一事件。因此，他们邀请黑格尔以大学校长和柏林哲学名家的身份，在 6 月 25 日的官方庆典上用拉丁文发表演讲，他的演讲是本次庆典的两个主要拉丁文演讲之一。“奥格斯堡忏悔” 早在 1530 年 6 月 25 日的奥格斯堡帝国会议上就已呈递给神圣罗马皇帝查理五世。“奥格斯堡忏悔” 主要由梅兰希通编纂，且主要以路德的著作为基础，它确立了最终成为路德教的正式教条。它区分了路德教的信条与天主教的教义，以及路德教的信条与其他新教的信条，明确阐述了新的路德教信条与天主教教义的共同之处，同时还列出了废除僧侣誓约、废除强制性的僧侣守身等的理论依据。